Critics include many of the high-profile Bolsonaristas of 2018, including the center-right governors of Sao Paulo and Rio Grande do Sul. His opportunistic rejection of the president signals a more general loss of support from prominent pro-market political leaders who once flirted with the far right. Millions of center-right voters who reluctantly voted for Bolsonaro in 2018 to prevent the return of the center-left Workers' Party (PT) are now making the opposite calculation by throwing their support behind former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva as a form of safer to bury Bolsonaro. Most polls show Lula with a comfortable lead over the incumbent president. He is an amazing turnaround; just a few years ago,
Lula da Silva finished his second term a decade ago with a staggering 80% approval rating, having led a government that improved the lives of millions through redistributive social policies. In contrast, the authoritarian and conspiratorial politics of Whatsapp Mobile Number List the very idea of an effective, sensible and accountable state. What is at stake in the next election is clear. And any attempt to understand the future of Bolsonarismo, even without its incumbent at the helm, must consider how it came to be and how Bolsonaro has governed in the past three years.
Anyone familiar with the dirty politics of Rio de Janeiro knew this was untrue: Bolsonaro and his family had many known ties to the paramilitary mafias that control much of that state, and Bolsonaro and his sons, three of whom hold office electives, used to force their employees to give them a part of their salaries to keep their jobs. However, in 2018, after years ofHighly publicized corruption scandals, including the now-discredited Lava Jato investigation that helped topple Lula, politics in Brazil had become synonymous with dirty business for self-interest. Bolsonaro's argument that he had not witnessed any illicit activity in his long political career resonated with many voters.